Sudan Regime Crimes in Nuba Mountains

People of Nuba Mountains 

The Sudanese government is committing another genocide, this time in the Nuba Mountains.  Confirmed reports of massacres of Nuba people by the Sudanese Army, have led the genocide prevention organization, Genocide Watch, to issue a Genocide Emergency Alert for the Nuba Mountain area of central Sudan. 

When Sudanese President Omar al Bashir was in Kadugli, the capital of South Kordofan 2011 , he announced, “If the people here [meaning those in the Nuba Mountains] refuse to honor the results of the [gubernatorial] election, then we will force them back into the mountains and prevent them from having food just as we did before.”  Intentional deprivation of food is an act of genocide under Article 2(c) of the Genocide Convention.  Open threats such as al-Bashir’s cannot be ignored.  Al-Bashir is a serial genocidist with an arrest warrant for genocide in Darfur from the ICC.

This happening everyday for many activist in Sudan by the regime were continuing abusing and torture.

This  must stop Urgently .

 We will documenting and publish all crimes to international community and human Rights Organization.

Ayman Adel Amin

Sudan Regime Crimes against Activist

Gadarif East Sudan 17 March 2013

Gadarif Initiative of Salvation Activist was arrested and

 tutored By NISS  after protest Against the backdrop of falsification the

 Regime for the elections to the state Governor , afternoon 

March 17. 

Names of Detained :

1- Gafaar Khidir ( Disabled)

2- Anas Abdallah 

3- Abd Allah mohd Abd Elmoen .

4- Mutaz Mohd Abd Allah.

5- Rami Khidir

Gafaar Khidir man with special need .

Torture signs 

This happening everyday for many activist in Sudan by the regime were continuing abusing and torture.

This  must stop Urgently .

 We will documenting and publish all crimes to international community and human Rights Organization.

Ayman Adel Amin

Sudan Regime Crimes against activist

Somia Hundosa

Sudanese Journalist was detained by National intelligence and security service  and tutored by shaving her hair and she had sign of physical and psychological Torture .

here you can find Details of what happened :
GIRFNA Statement

The family of the Sudanese journalist, Somia Ismail Hundosa has started legal procedures against elements from the National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS) after finding their daughter on Friday morning November 2, thrown in a remote area in Sharg Al Nil locality of Khartoum. Her hair was totally shaved and she has signs of physical and psychological torture.

Somia Hundosa’s hair was shaved when she was abducted by NISS.

Somia Hundosa has worked previously at Al Watan and Al Sahafa newspapers. She disappeared the evening of October 29, 2012. Her sister had received a phone call from her where Hundosa was pleading with others to allow her to speak with her sister. After that Hundosa’s family received an anonymous text message saying that Hundosa, “was detained by NISS”.

Hundosa resides in Egypt and had come to Sudan to spend the Eid holidays. According to her family, she was detained not far from her home by a force of seven individuals who were riding a Prado pickup truck. She was then transported to an unknown location belonging to NISS, shown a number of her newspaper articles and accused to opposing the regime and disrespecting the President.

Her family explained to GIRIFNA that Hundosa is a mother of a 3-year old child and that her origins are from the Darfurian Rizaigat tribe. While in detention she was subjected to physical “torture and beating with whips and hands”.  She was also subjected to “verbal racist slurs directed at her and her tribe”, and her hair was totally shaved with the excuse that her, “hair looks like the hair of Arabs while she belongs to the slaves in Darfur”.

At the end of Hundosa’s ordeal, NISS took her to the remote area of Khor al Samra in the suburbs of al Duraishab area in Sharg Al Nil locality of Khartoum.

Somia was burned in several locations, including her upper arm.

She was thrown there by the force that had detained her. Her family has since then started legal procedures against a high- ranking official at NISS who had called Hundosa two days before her arrest and summoned her to NISS offices in Khartoum, Bahari. The NISS official in question is well known and was responsible for the Electronic Jihad Unit, known for its surveillance of activists and the hacking for their social media and email accounts. Hundosa’s family reported that the legal procedures are advancing very slowly.  

In addition, the Sudanese network, Journalists for Human Rights (known as JAHR), called upon the Government of Sudan to immediately investigate these, “horrendous violations, hold accountable responsible officials and stop security agents from bullying”, as per their statement. The JAHR network expressed solidarity with the the journalist, poet and activist Somia Hundosa and her family.

Human rights violations in Khartoum and the larger towns of Sudan has deteriorated in the last months. Thousands have been arrested and detained since mid-June 2012, when Sudan witnessed large protests against Omer Al Bashir’s regime, which came to power through a military coup in partnership with the Islamic movement that has ideological links with the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood.

Sudan is among the countries that violates freedom of the press, and ranks poorly when it comes to respecting freedom of the media  and of journalists. President Omer Al Bashir of Sudan is wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes and ethnic cleansing in Darfur. Since three years, there is an arrest warrant for him, but Sudan refuses hand him over and does not respect the decision of ICC or the Security Council.

Since last year, the regions of the Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile State have been witnessing vast State violations against civilians with no sign of serious efforts for resolving the conflict in the three areas that are now under an emergency decree. A sign that, according to analysts, will bring more violations and mass displacements to those regions.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i3VrwTU4YF0
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This happening everyday for many activist in Sudan by the regime were continuing abusing and torture.

This  must stop Urgently .

 We will documenting and publish all crimes to international community and human Rights Organization.

Ayman Adel Amin

  

Don’t let Bashir get away with genocide in Darfur

By : Tom Andrew

Four years ago, an arrest warrant was issued for Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, citing his crimes in Darfur. Yet, he remains free to this day.

Seeking international justice, today we are launchingBashirWatch — a network of global citizens that will pressure governments to uphold their obligation to arrest Bashir. We need your help — sign up to be part of our rapid response network. Together we will bring Bashir to justice.

Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir is the only sitting head of state who is wanted for genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity for atrocities he ordered in Darfur. Four years after his arrest warrant was issued, why is he still free to commit his crimes free of consequence?

Members of the United Nations Security Council, along with 121 countries who are members of the International Criminal Court (ICC), have a legal obligation to arrest Bashir. Yet there is insufficient political will to deliver Bashir to the ICC for trial.

That’s where you come in.

Today we are launching BashirWatch — a grassroots international rapid-response network to pressure policymakers, government representatives, court officials, and other key decision makers, especially in Africa and the Middle East, to support the ICC’s warrant for Bashir, bring him into custody and transfer him to the ICC for trial.

Together, we will create the international pressure necessary to turn those who welcome Bashir onto their soil into international pariahs. It must be made clear — if you harbor a wanted criminal, you will be held accountable. After the Darfur genocide, we cried “never again,” and promised to seek justice for the victims, but there are few signs of criminal pursuit of Bashir, though the international community knows exactly where he is, where he has traveled and often where he is going.

Just a few short weeks ago, Bashir visited Chad and is reported to return by the end of the month. And in the last year, he has traveled to Egypt, Iraq, Qatar and Libya. None of these countries have suffered any repercussions for their actions.

Yet, we know progress is possible. The country of Malawi, under international pressure last year, decided to cancel a meeting of the African Union, rather than allow Bashir to visit. A Kenyan court has ordered his arrest should he visit again. And Uganda denied him entry, citing “How does Uganda urge the DRC and others to apprehend Kony if they lay their hands on them but then let Bashir slip through its hands?”

While the world sits idly by, we need action now. Bashir is continuing his crimes with impunity. Aerial bombardments and attacks against civilians have moved beyond Darfur to the border states of Blue Nile and Southern Kordofan.

In 2011 and 2012, more than 500,000 Sudanese civilians were driven from their homes by government action in the states of Blue Nile and South Kordofan. In these states, Bashir is using similar tactics to those he used in Darfur: direct ground attacks, aerial bombardment, and the use of food as a weapon through blockade of humanitarian aid.

I hope you will stand with BashirWatch to make sure that these crimes stop, that impunity is no longer an option, that justice prevails, and that Bashir and others have to answer for their crimes. It is time to stand up for justice and stand up to governments who refuse to meet their obligations under international law to arrest Bashir. We owe the people of Darfur no less.

Syriens kris liknar den i Darfur

Syriens kris liknar den i Darfur

Konflikterna i Syrien och Darfur har många likheter. Den förra riskerar att bli lika utdragen som den senare. Samtidigt kan man undvika att göra om misstagen med oinitierade fredsavtal som i stället allvarligt förvärrar krisen. Det skriver Johan Brosché och Samuel Taub.

Konflikten i Syrien har i dagarna pågått i två år och är världens just nu mest våldsamma krig. 200 mil sydväst om Syrien så har Darfurkonflikten – det krig som dödat flest det senaste decenniet – precis pågått i tio år. Enligt FN har 60 000 dött i konflikten i Syrien sedan mars 2011 och 300 000 i Darfurkonflikten sedan mars 2003.

Konflikterna i Darfur och Syrien har stora likheter, vilket gör att kriget i Syrien riskerar att bli lika utdraget som det i Darfur om inte ett starkt och enat grepp tas.

Från att ha varit uppmärksammad av kändisar som George Clooney och Mia Farrow, har konflikten i Darfur fallit i näst intill total medieskugga­. Konflikten är i dag mindre våldsam än under dess värsta år (2003–2004) men skördar fortfarande tusentals offer.

I den nyligen utgivna boken Violent Conflict and Peacebuilding – the Continuing Crisis in Darfur visar forskarna Johan Brosché och Daniel Rothbart att konflikten i Darfur är så svårlöst då den äger rum på en lokal, nationell, regional och global nivå samtidigt.

Dessa nivåer påverkar varandra och en lösning som inte beaktar alla nivåer har små utsikter att bli hållbar. Även konflikten i Syrien präglas av konflikter på dessa olika nivåer.


l På lokal nivå konkurrerar olika eliter om makten i Darfur vilket leder till splittringar bland rebellerna. En slående likhet föreligger i Syrien där det i dagsläget inte finns någon enad opposition, och motståndsrörelsen framför allt är lokalt förankrad. Regimerna i Damaskus och Khartoum använder båda en strategi där de försöker öka splittringen bland rebellerna och därmed minska det hot de utgör.

l På nationell nivå är makten i de två länderna koncentrerad hos en liten etnisk minoritet. I Sudan är den politiska, ekonomiska och kulturella makten samlad hos en liten etnisk minoritet från Nildalen norr om Khartoum. Marginalisering av övriga områden, bland andra just Darfur, är en grundorsak till Sudans olika konflikter. I Syrien har familjen Al-Assad gett en privilegierad ställning till den etniska minoriteten alawiter, en shiamuslimsk variant av islam som utgör ungefär 10 procent av befolkningen. Koncentrationen av makt hos en liten minoritet skapar stark frustration hos de uteslutna grupperna.

l På regional nivå är flertalet grannländer med och stödjer de olika stridande parterna i både Darfur och Syrien. I början av Darfurkriget fick rebellerna stöd från Tchad och Libyen. Förbättrade relationer mellan Tchad och Sudan, samt Gadaffis fall förändrade detta. Numera får Darfurrebellerna framför allt stöd från Sydsudan, medan den sudanesiska regeringen får stöd från Iran. Också i Syrien ger Iran stöd till regeringen medan Saudiarabien stöder oppositionen och förespråkar en beväpning av dem. Militärt stöd från grannländerna gör striderna mer våldsamma och försvårar en förhandlingslösning. En djup splittring bland generalförsamlingens fem permanenta medlemmar är central på en global nivå. I Darfur motsatte sig framför allt Kina olika initiativ men efter idoga förhandlingar kunde en större enighet uppnås och Kina godkände en fredsbevarande insats. I Syrienkonflikten spelar Ryssland en liknande roll då de stöder Assadregimen vilket försvårar frågor såsom sanktioner, observatörer och en fredsbevarande styrka.

Då konflikten i Syrien riskerar att bli lika utdragen som den i Darfur är en förhandlingslösning nödvändig. Att i stället följa den saudiska linjen att beväpna rebellerna är naivt, då förutsättningarna för en okomplicerad militär seger är obefintliga. Framgångarna på slagfältet har varierat och ”segrar” följs ofta av mer konflikt, speciellt när rebellerna är splittrade. Ett tydligt exempel är det kaos som följde efter rebellernas seger i Libyen.

Ett fredsavtal är dock bara eftersträvansvärt om det leder till ett slut på striderna. Ett avtal som inte beaktar de olika nivåerna av konflikt riskerar att intensifiera striderna och splittra rebellerna än mer. Ett exempel på detta är Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) som skrevs under den 5 maj 2006. Detta avtal var helt inriktat på den nationella nivån och gav rebelledaren som skrev under en högt uppsatt regeringsposition. Avtalet beaktade dock inte den lokala nivån och var extremt impopulärt hos invånarna i Darfur och hos övriga rebeller. Inte heller togs hänsyn till den regionala nivån vilket innebar att Tchad fortsatte stödja rebellerna i Darfur.


I stället för att leda till fred ledde DPA till intensifiering av striderna och en ökad fragmentering av rebellrörelsen. Innan avtalet ingicks fanns tre rebellgrupper, några månader senare var det dussintals. Att DPA hade sådana tragiska följder berodde till stor del på att det internationella samfundet hade missbedömt situationen och inte beaktat konfliktens olika nivåer.

För att uppnå ett lyckat avtal i Syrien får inte samma fel göras. På en lokal nivå så måste den syriska oppositionen bli mer enad då fruktbara förhandlingar kräver en samlad motpart. På en nationell nivå måste de olika etniska grupperna tas med. Förtroendet mellan grupperna måste återskapas och säkerhetsgarantier ges. En fredsbevarande styrka kan bidra till detta.

På regional nivå är det viktigt att stoppa det militära stödet till regimen och oppositionen. Detta stöd gör att parterna fortsätter att se en militär lösning som första alternativ.

På global nivå måste FNs säkerhetsråd bli mer enat för att kunna få till en fredsbevarande styrka till Syrien. Kinas förändrade inställning i Darfurfrågan visar att till synes låsta positioner i FN:s säkerhetsråd kan ändras. Om positionerna i säkerhetsrådet förändras ökar chanserna att sätta press på Assad, vilket i förlängningen kan öka den Syriska regimens förhandlingsvilja.

En lösning av konflikterna i Syrien och Darfur måste alltså ta med alla dessa fyra nivåer. Om det övergripande målet fred och stabilitet offras för kortsiktigta vinster, så som ett illa genomarbetat fredsavtal, kan ytterligare tusentals liv spillas.
Johan Brosché
freds och konfliktforskare, Uppsala universitet
Samuel Taub
Uppsala Conflict Data Program, Uppsala universitet
UNT 11/3 2013
Resource
http://www.unt.se/debatt/syriens-kris-liknar-den-i-darfur-2314385.aspx

Civil Society Joint Statement to the United Nations Security Council Members

Civil Society Joint Statement to the United Nations Security Council Members


We, the undersigned civil society organizations, write to express our grave concern about the continued impunity of Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir and the three other Sudanese leaders, Ahmed Haroun, Ali Kushayb and Abdel Rahim Mohammed Hussein, wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for the heinous crimes committed in Darfur. Lack of action by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) members, lack of cooperation by States Parties to the Rome Statute, and lack of support by many others in the international community, including the African Union, have permitted this continued impunity at great cost to the victims of these crimes and the people of Sudan.

2013 marks ten years since the Government of Omar al-Bashir launched a campaign of mass killing, rape, destruction of villages, and displacement that is reported to have caused more than 300,000 deaths and displaced nearly 3 million people. Today, many of these Darfuri men, women, and children cannot return home and live in camps for refugees and displaced persons under critical conditions, lacking security and basic humanitarian needs. In addition, Sudanese forces and government-armed militias continue to carry out indiscriminate bombings, attacks, and sexual violence against civilians, and commit grave human rights violations in Darfur and other regions of Sudan, namely Blue Nile and South Kordofan – some of which amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Although this dire situation spurred member states of the UNSC to refer the situation in Darfur to the ICC in 2005, it has taken little effective action since that time. Despite the ICC issuing arrest warrants against President Bashir and three other government officials for charges including genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity in Darfur, none of the men have been arrested and surrendered to the Court. Indeed, some States party to the Rome Statute and other states have granted safe haven to President Bashir during visits to their countries.

In spite of the pending ICC arrest warrants, the government of Sudan continues to defy the ICC and undermine the authority of the UNSC. Instead of complying with its obligations under Resolution 1593 to cooperate fully with the ICC, President Bashir has responded to the arrest warrant against him by expelling 13 international humanitarian organizations as well as domestic organizations operating in Darfur--a move that has exacerbated the suffering of the vulnerable in Darfur. Furthermore, President Bashir has re-appointed two officials wanted by the ICC to powerful positions within his government, including Ahmed Haroun, as Governor of South Kordofan region.


While the situation for the people of Darfur remains dire, President Bashir’s impunity continues unabated, as he travels to some countries, including States Parties to the Rome Statute and members of the UNSC. This is a failure of the international community’s responsibility to deliver much-needed justice to the victims in Darfur, hold the perpetrators of the worst crimes accountable, and reinforce the important work of the ICC in effectively fighting impunity.


For this reason, we urge the member states of the UNSC to ensure that UNSC resolution 1593 is fully implemented by insisting that states cooperate with the ICC and by responding to incidents of noncooperation by states parties to the Rome Statute and other states when they occur.


The Security Council must make it clear to President Bashir and the other fugitives of justice that impunity for such serious crimes is not an option. Justice for the victims of Darfur and accountability for the alleged perpetrators is the only way to bring about a lasting peace to the people of Sudan. 

Sincerely,

1. Act for Sudan Coalition, USA 
2. Aegis Trust, UK 
3. African Development and Peace Initiative, Uganda 
4. American Jewish World Service, USA 
5. Amnesty International, USA 
6. Darfur Association in Norway, Norway 
7. Darfur Association USA, Louisiana, USA 
8. Darfur Call Amsterdam, The Netherlands 
9. Darfur Community Association, Nebraska, USA 
10. Darfur Community Association in France, France 
11. Darfur Community Association (DCA) in South Africa, Pretoria, SA 
12. Darfur Culture, Heritage and Documentation, Belgium 
13. Darfur Diaspora Association, Canada 
14. Darfur Peace and Development Centre, Switzerland 
15. Darfur People Association of NY, USA 
16. Darfur Relief and Documentation Center, Switzerland 
17. Darfur Solidarity of North America, South Dakota, USA 
18. Darfur Union, Amsterdam, The Netherlands 
19. Darfur Union, UK and Ireland 
20. Darfur Women Action Group, USA 
21. Darfur Youth for a Better Future, USA 
22. Dear Sudan, Love Marin, California, USA 
23. Enough Project, USA 
24. Human Rights Advocacy and Democracy Network, New York, USA 
25. Human Rights Organization (Sudan), Sweden 
26. International Justice Project, New Jersey, USA 
27. Investors Against Genocide, Massachusetts, USA 
28. Italians for Darfur, Italy 
29. Ivorian Coalition for ICC, Côte d'Ivoire/ Ivory Coast 
30. Massachusetts Coalition to Save Darfur, Massachusetts, USA 
31. Massalit International Association, Kentucky, USA 
32. Never Again Coalition, Oregon, USA 
33. Nubia Project, Maryland, USA 
34. Physician for Human Rights, USA 
35. Operation Broken Silence, USA 
36. San Francisco Bay Area Darfur Coalition, California, USA 
37. Social Peace Initiative for Sudan, The Netherlands. 
38. The South Sudan Law Society, South Sudan 
39. United to End Genocide, USA 
40. Voice for Sudan, USA 
41. Waging Peace, UK